On Wednesday 5 February, as part of a panel convened by the London School of Economics I made some introductory remarks on Bangladesh six months after the fall of the Awami League government. Below, slightly edited, are the six points I made.*
1. The significance of the July/August killings
First, it is impossible to comment on or understand the current political scenario in Bangladesh without appreciating the killing by law enforcement authorities of over 800 unarmed protestors in the three week period of July 16 to August 5th.
These killings shook the country to its core and meant that the fall of the Sheikh Hasina Awami League government was inevitable.
Beyond that, the three week killing spree – particularly when laid over by the country’s experience of an increasingly authoritarian government which had normalised a repressive state architecture against political and social dissent and had retained its hold in power for 15 years without free and fair elections - had a number of other highly significant consequences which inform so much of the current politics of the country. These are:
2. Denial, hyperbole and disinformation
Secondly, the response by the Awami League outside the country – along with its allies within the Indian government and Indian society – to its role in the July/August killings, was denial, hyperbole and disinformation.
3. Positive changes
First, it is impossible to comment on or understand the current political scenario in Bangladesh without appreciating the killing by law enforcement authorities of over 800 unarmed protestors in the three week period of July 16 to August 5th.
These killings shook the country to its core and meant that the fall of the Sheikh Hasina Awami League government was inevitable.
Beyond that, the three week killing spree – particularly when laid over by the country’s experience of an increasingly authoritarian government which had normalised a repressive state architecture against political and social dissent and had retained its hold in power for 15 years without free and fair elections - had a number of other highly significant consequences which inform so much of the current politics of the country. These are:
- huge popular anger towards the Awami League
- a desire to hold to account the Awami League leaders for their crimes of violence and corruption
- the disappearance of the Awami League as an operating political party within the country
- a highly weakened civil service administration that had for the previous decades been manned by Awami League loyalists
- a resurgence of the political forces that had been repressed so many years by the Awami League, in particular the Jamaat-e-Islami
- the appearance of a new political force in the student, of uncertain political direction, which had led the protests that were so wretchedly attacked by law enforcement authorities
2. Denial, hyperbole and disinformation
Secondly, the response by the Awami League outside the country – along with its allies within the Indian government and Indian society – to its role in the July/August killings, was denial, hyperbole and disinformation.
- denial that the Awami League law enforcement authorities were responsible for killing hundreds of unarmed students;
- hyperbole about the resulting communal violence that took place in the immediate days after Hasina government resigned.
- and disinformation, claiming that the interim government was in effect a radical Islamic government.
3. Positive changes
Thirdly, I would like to emphasis a number of significant positive changes that have taken place since August 5, or will take place, which would never have happened without the removal of the Awami League
4. Yet, much stays the same
However, at the same time although there is a new government (responsible for these positive changes) much of the country’s old negative political dynamics remain. Using a car analogy, Bangladesh has a new chassis, but the engine works in much the same way
Nothing happened in July and August (and in the toppling of the Awami League government) that resulted in less day to day corruption within the country, or any reduced desire in the county’s political parties from seeking to dominate the institutions that were not so long ago dominated by the Awami League.
And whilst the interim government is not seeking to control the media, the political parties seem to have taken control of many of the newspapers, and a different form of censorship is now occurring.
5. Continuing concerns about human rights
Although, the current government has dealt well with very worst human rights practices that existed under the Awami League government – ending disappearances and extra-judicial killings which we hope now will be a thing of the past - there remain some significant human rights concerns. This is particularly in the area of the arbitrary arrests and detentions – which if we remember also used to be of significant concern when the Awami League government was in power, and about which many of those in government now used to be highly critical about, but have in recent months been rather more silent.
Before detailing this, it is important to appreciate the political environment. As I have mentioned, there is huge anger toward the Awami League government and its law enforcement authorities who in effect massacred hundreds of unarmed people. This is also the Awami League denying that these killings even happened. And we have a resurgence of the political parties who were previously highly victimised by the Awami League. This combination of factors does not make it easy for the government or the country’s institutions to act neutrally and independently in relation to accountability – particulacy when in the last fifteen years, these very institutions were themselves instructed to be highly partisan towards the Awami League.
Nonetheless, this is what one would expect or hope from a newly changed government which does hold itself up to high standards – particularly six months into its time in power.
First Information Reports: There is first the issue of the First Information Reports (FIR) filed at police stations alleging murder during the July/August killings, against dozens and sometimes hundreds of people, who are mostly connected in one way or the other with the Awami League, and who had in fact had no direct connection with the killings.
Though formally these FIRs were filed in the name of a relative of a deceased, media reports strongly suggest that these were manipulated by opposition political parties – suggesting, as I mentioned earlier, how the political engine under the government chassis remains much the same.
Now most of these people listed in the FIRs have not been arrested, but having your name in an FIR creates a real fear that you might be, and so as a result many have been forced into hiding, or out of society, scared that they might be arrested. This creates a wider fear within the Awami League, that if you put a step wrong, you will have a case filed against you, and so has resulted in a significant reduction of political rights on the part of those who used to or continue to support the Awami League.
The government makes the point that unlike in the Awami League times, the police did not file these FIRs and that is has given instructions to the police that people should not be arrested unless there is good cause. However, many people have been arrested without good cause, so few people believe that they are safe unless there names are removed from the FIRs. Six months on, the government has simply failed to set up a system to ensure this. And this is a real problem
Arbitrary Detentions: Secondly, there are many people, perhaps dozens, even hundreds, it is difficult to asses, who have been arrested where there is no evidence to support any allegation against them, or if there is some so called evidence, it is simply too flimsy to justify keeping them in detention.
As a result of decisions made by the police and magistrate courts these people remains in detention, and are refused bail, The police and the magistrates courts are acting in relation to these people in exactly the same way as they acted when the Awami League was in power, and it is a blot on the interim government, and these institutions, that these people remain in detention. Every person should be immediately given bail unless the police have substantive evidence to support a possible conviction.
6. The Awami League and continuing concerns about democratic rights
There are certain members of the leadership of the Awami League who should be investigated, prosecuted and held to account. There is no doubt about that
But most people in the Awami League played no role in the killings of July/August – and were not asked for their views. And whilst during the 15 years of Awami League government, they may have supported the party politically, they played no active role in any of the crimes committed. One may want to criticise these people for their political or moral decision making in supporting the Awami League, but that is as far as it should go.
Many argue that the Awami League party itself should play no active role in the politics of the country until its leadership acknowledges its role in the July/August killings. In justifying this, people like to compare the Awami League to the Nazi Party in Germany – but the Awami League is no Nazi party and those comparisons are ridiculous.
Whilst it may be satisfying to remove the Awami League from the political space in Bangladesh, it is very bad politics. It allows the party, and its politicians, to present itself and themselves as victims – something which they are now doing increasingly effectively on the international stage. The more the Awami League is prevented by the police or by other actors in society from taking part in normal democratic politics and risk arrest from doing so, the more the Awami League will present themselves as victims.
Allow the Awami league to operate as a political party – so that those who never want the party to come to power again, can try and defeat them politically. The Awami League should not be allowed to “win” by presenting itself as the victim of a “repressive” Bangladesh.
David Bergman
- The government is no longer a censoring force within Bangladesh politics. You can criticise the government on social media or in the media without any repercussions from it.
- In relation to enforced disappearances, which became a systematic part of law enforcement during the Awami League period of government, the government has set up a commission to investigate these and have stopped this practice from happening. Disappearances are now no longer an acceptable political practice and for the forseeable future are highly unlikely to happen again.
- The same can generally be said about extra judicial killings, which also became endemic under the Awami League government (though I know there is one recent allegation of such a killing which the government is investigating).
- And finally we can be absolutely certain there will be an election within the next 10, to 14 months – the time line is not clear - that will be as free and fair as any election that has taken place so far in Bangladesh, and hopefully freer.
4. Yet, much stays the same
However, at the same time although there is a new government (responsible for these positive changes) much of the country’s old negative political dynamics remain. Using a car analogy, Bangladesh has a new chassis, but the engine works in much the same way
Nothing happened in July and August (and in the toppling of the Awami League government) that resulted in less day to day corruption within the country, or any reduced desire in the county’s political parties from seeking to dominate the institutions that were not so long ago dominated by the Awami League.
And whilst the interim government is not seeking to control the media, the political parties seem to have taken control of many of the newspapers, and a different form of censorship is now occurring.
5. Continuing concerns about human rights
Although, the current government has dealt well with very worst human rights practices that existed under the Awami League government – ending disappearances and extra-judicial killings which we hope now will be a thing of the past - there remain some significant human rights concerns. This is particularly in the area of the arbitrary arrests and detentions – which if we remember also used to be of significant concern when the Awami League government was in power, and about which many of those in government now used to be highly critical about, but have in recent months been rather more silent.
Before detailing this, it is important to appreciate the political environment. As I have mentioned, there is huge anger toward the Awami League government and its law enforcement authorities who in effect massacred hundreds of unarmed people. This is also the Awami League denying that these killings even happened. And we have a resurgence of the political parties who were previously highly victimised by the Awami League. This combination of factors does not make it easy for the government or the country’s institutions to act neutrally and independently in relation to accountability – particulacy when in the last fifteen years, these very institutions were themselves instructed to be highly partisan towards the Awami League.
Nonetheless, this is what one would expect or hope from a newly changed government which does hold itself up to high standards – particularly six months into its time in power.
First Information Reports: There is first the issue of the First Information Reports (FIR) filed at police stations alleging murder during the July/August killings, against dozens and sometimes hundreds of people, who are mostly connected in one way or the other with the Awami League, and who had in fact had no direct connection with the killings.
Though formally these FIRs were filed in the name of a relative of a deceased, media reports strongly suggest that these were manipulated by opposition political parties – suggesting, as I mentioned earlier, how the political engine under the government chassis remains much the same.
Now most of these people listed in the FIRs have not been arrested, but having your name in an FIR creates a real fear that you might be, and so as a result many have been forced into hiding, or out of society, scared that they might be arrested. This creates a wider fear within the Awami League, that if you put a step wrong, you will have a case filed against you, and so has resulted in a significant reduction of political rights on the part of those who used to or continue to support the Awami League.
The government makes the point that unlike in the Awami League times, the police did not file these FIRs and that is has given instructions to the police that people should not be arrested unless there is good cause. However, many people have been arrested without good cause, so few people believe that they are safe unless there names are removed from the FIRs. Six months on, the government has simply failed to set up a system to ensure this. And this is a real problem
Arbitrary Detentions: Secondly, there are many people, perhaps dozens, even hundreds, it is difficult to asses, who have been arrested where there is no evidence to support any allegation against them, or if there is some so called evidence, it is simply too flimsy to justify keeping them in detention.
As a result of decisions made by the police and magistrate courts these people remains in detention, and are refused bail, The police and the magistrates courts are acting in relation to these people in exactly the same way as they acted when the Awami League was in power, and it is a blot on the interim government, and these institutions, that these people remain in detention. Every person should be immediately given bail unless the police have substantive evidence to support a possible conviction.
6. The Awami League and continuing concerns about democratic rights
There are certain members of the leadership of the Awami League who should be investigated, prosecuted and held to account. There is no doubt about that
But most people in the Awami League played no role in the killings of July/August – and were not asked for their views. And whilst during the 15 years of Awami League government, they may have supported the party politically, they played no active role in any of the crimes committed. One may want to criticise these people for their political or moral decision making in supporting the Awami League, but that is as far as it should go.
Many argue that the Awami League party itself should play no active role in the politics of the country until its leadership acknowledges its role in the July/August killings. In justifying this, people like to compare the Awami League to the Nazi Party in Germany – but the Awami League is no Nazi party and those comparisons are ridiculous.
Whilst it may be satisfying to remove the Awami League from the political space in Bangladesh, it is very bad politics. It allows the party, and its politicians, to present itself and themselves as victims – something which they are now doing increasingly effectively on the international stage. The more the Awami League is prevented by the police or by other actors in society from taking part in normal democratic politics and risk arrest from doing so, the more the Awami League will present themselves as victims.
Allow the Awami league to operate as a political party – so that those who never want the party to come to power again, can try and defeat them politically. The Awami League should not be allowed to “win” by presenting itself as the victim of a “repressive” Bangladesh.
David Bergman
(You can hear my comments from 23:05 at https://www.youtube.com/live/N0cZRA17o8Y)
* these remarks were prepared before protestors destroyed the house of Sheikh Mujib, in road number 32.
* these remarks were prepared before protestors destroyed the house of Sheikh Mujib, in road number 32.
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